Possibilities

Yesterday was the fourth straight day of public protests against the regime of President Saleh, and the fourth straight day of state violence against protesters and journalists. There is no reason to think today will be any better. While I still pledge to refrain from making predictions about where all of this will lead, I think it's time to lay out a few possibilities, and challenge some of the assumptions that have dominated the story thus far. This post will be a bit scattered; hopefully our readers will find it useful none the less. First, a note on numbers: Al Jazeera reported that protests in San‘a on February 14 drew 3,000 or more people. No other source that I saw had a number this high, but that doesn't mean it was wrong. As has been the case throughout recent weeks, numbers in the city of Ta‘iz—south of San‘a in what is historically known as "Lower Yemen" (not to be confused with South Yemen)—were much higher. Still, these numbers are far too low to achieve the kind of critical mass needed for a real revolution. The students, activists, journalists,  and lawyers who protested yesterday will have to draw far more support from other areas of society before they can challenge the state.

It's well worth focusing on one point in the above paragraph: Ta‘iz seems to be, at least in terms of popular support, the real center of this new movement for change. This is not surprising when considered in historical context. Ta‘iz has always been the intellectual center of Yemen (especially in the minds of Ta‘izis), and the heart of nearly every progressive or revolutionary movement in modern history. During the twin revolutions of the 1960s, when the South threw off the yoke of British imperialism and northern republicans overthrew a monarchy, Ta‘iz was a base for both movements and the conduit of fighters who flowed from one war to the other. In fact I would argue that if President Saleh were serious about Yemeni unity, he would move the capital to Ta‘iz, but that's a topic for another post.

Getting back to the topic at hand, I suppose the first possibility is that these protests fail to gain enough support to withstand government repression, and they fizzle out after a few weeks. Even with greater numbers, success is not assured. Iran's Green Summer of 2009 captured the world's attention, but failed to topple or reform that regime. Of course, yesterday the Green movement proved it could still mobilize huge numbers. And we should remember that before the Yemeni revolution of 1962, there were the failed coups of 1948 and 1955, each of which contributed to the growth of the revolutionary underground.

Brian O'Neill and Greg Johnsen have already noted that elements of the JMP opposition bloc seem to be hitching their carts to the popular movement as it grows. This phenomenon could make a real difference in the weeks to come as well.

Finally, I want to address what the Western media and the Obama administration see as the worst-case scenario. In the case of Egypt, fear mongers in the media focused on the idea that the Muslim Brotherhood could gain control of a post-Mubarak state. In Yemen's case the leading theory is that if Saleh falls, chaos will ensue, and AQAP (al-Qa‘idah in the Arabian Peninsula) will profit from the void, if not fill it. I would point out two things to proponents of this theory: first, the revolutionary civil war of the 1960s was really a hundred little wars fought over a hundred societal fault lines. The forces that pulled the country back together afterward (admittedly an unfinished process) were not necessarily present at the outset. Second, if we look at Egypt today we can clearly see that a new force has come into being as a result of this popular revolution. "People power" is not just a cliche. It's possible that the triumphant Egyptians will now surrender to their military, but it's also possible that new forms of popular governance—formal or informal people's committees and the like—will emerge. If a significant portion of the Yemeni people can unite for change, there's really no telling what could happen next.

As I finish this post I can see from the tweets that today shaping up to be as violent, if not more so, than yesterday. We pray that Yemen's protesters stay strong, and maintain their belief in peaceful demonstration, and that the regime will somehow reverse its strategy again and pull its thugs off the streets (not likely).

YPP urges US Gov statement on violence in Yemen

We have send a letter to the US Department of State asking that the United States condemn the violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Yemen. The text of the letter is below. You can help us by pasting this text, along with your signature, into the State Department's online contact form, at http://contact-us.state.gov/cgi-bin/state.cfg/php/enduser/ask.php?p_sid=1Fm9ysmk&p_accessibility=0&p_redirect=&p_srch=0

On the night of Friday February 11 a peaceful gathering of demonstrators in Yemen’s capital, Sanʻa, was attacked by hundreds of armed men apparently supported and organized by uniformed security forces. These attacks were documented by eyewitnesses, including representatives of the international NGO Human Rights Watch (http://bit.ly/i9RW46). While Yemen’s President, ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Salih, has overseen harsh crackdowns of popular protests in Yemen’s south and far north in recent years, such violence in the country’s capital is nearly unheard of. The right to peaceful assembly is guaranteed by the constitution of the Republic of Yemen, and unlike Egypt or Algeria, Yemen is not currently under any form of emergency law, so these violent actions by the state have absolutely no legal justification.

Last week President Salih offered token concession to Yemen’s main opposition parties in an attempt to preempt planned demonstrations. When demonstrations were subsequently held in Sanʻa, security forces did not interfere. It seemed that the regime was willing to tolerate public protests, given the relatively stable state of affairs in the capital. But yesterday’s events shattered this assumption. In addition to the vicious attack on peaceful demonstrators in the capital, Yemeni security forces are reported to have fired live ammunition at protesters in Aden and other cities in the south of the country, where human rights abuses and extralegal killings of demonstrators have become almost commonplace.

President Barack Obama was quick to praise ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Salih on his promises of political reforms last week. We ask that the President and the United States Department of State act just as quickly to condemn the Yemeni state’s illegal and violent repression of demonstrations. Given the current climate in the Middle East, it is now more important than ever that the United States make clear its commitment to human rights, democracy, and the right of popular protest. These principles must form the basis of America’s relationship with other nations, particularly Yemen, where popular grievances against Salih’s government contribute to the growth of al-Qaʻidah and other anti-state actors.

We hope to see a statement of condemnation from the Department of State as soon as possible. Thank you for your time and your attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Pro-government thugs in San'a

Scattered reports throughout the day on Friday mentioned Yemeni security forces using live ammunition on protesters in 'Aden. Worse news has now emerged from San‘a: According to a Human Rights Watch report, a gathering of about a thousand peaceful demonstrators in San‘a's Tahrir Square was attacked by "hundreds of men armed with knives, sticks, and assault rifles" as they chanted slogans in celebration of the Egyptian revolution and against the Saleh regime.

Human Rights Watch witnessed at least 10 army trucks carrying men in civilian clothing to Sanaa's Tahrir Square, where a crowd of around 1,000 Yemenis had been demonstrating in support of the historic changes in Egypt and against the Yemeni government. Hundreds of men, their arrival coordinated by uniformed security agents, attacked the anti-government protesters with knives and sticks, prompting the majority to flee.

The full report is here. I should note that while HRW calls the demonstrators "anti-government protesters," I really have no idea just what these people were demonstrating for. The point is, Saleh's forces have used excessive violence against civilians in the capital. I was confident, a week ago, that something like this was possible, but given everything that's happened since then, I really thought Saleh had chosen another path. This was not only brutal and appalling, but politically stupid.

The JMP, which was likely not behind this particular gathering, will have no choice but to respond to this, in their own self-serving way, while non-mainstream protest groups will probably react as well. As always, we hope that their reactions are peaceful, but I'm not going to pull an Obama and ask the kid throwing a rock at a tank to "show restraint." Twenty-four hours ago I was feeling very critical of those tweeters who rushed to say that Yemen is next in line for revolution. But honestly, if Saleh doesn't know better than to pull crap like this, there is no telling what could happen in the next week or month.

سقط النظام

The adjective most heard this hour on Al Jazeera has been "indescribable." Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak has resigned and turned the country over to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, after an eighteen-day popular—and mostly peaceful—revolution. All of us at the Yemen Peace Project are overjoyed at this development, though I for one am also apprehensive. Military governments have a spotty track record, and have been known to hold onto power beyond their original mandate. The future of Egypt is still in question. Yemen today has also seen another round of popular protests, especially in the south, where February 11 was a day of mass demonstrations for independence. It's not clear to me to what extent the pro-secession movement has merged with other popular demonstrations against the regime. It does seem, from preliminary reports, that today's protests were handled peacefully by the Yemeni security forces, which is a change, and may be a result of the increased scrutiny that Arab regimes now face in these situations.

Hopefully we'll have more news about today's demos later on. For now, Jane Novak has posted some videos from 'Aden and Zinjibar (despite Jane's insistence, Zanzibar is still in Tanzania, not Yemen).

UPDATE:

Alaa Isam, an activist and blogger from 'Aden, has new videos from today's protests in the south: http://opinions-alaaisam.blogspot.com/

Youth in the streets and YPP on the radio

Monday marked the YPP's first foray into public broadcasting. Two of our co-directors, Dana Moss and myself, were featured in an hour-long interview on a local university radio station. An hour on the radio is more than most talking heads get at a single time, but it goes fast. If we'd had two hours it still wouldn't have been enough time to cover everything, and I'm sure some who listen to the interview will fault us for leaving something out, or for getting something wrong. But that's how it goes. I think Dana and I did a pretty good job of covering the basics; ironically we didn't manage to talk very much about the recent and ongoing demonstrations, which were ostensibly the subject of the show. Listening back to the interview, though, I don't think that was a mistake. A number of sources have minimized (you could also say ridiculed) Yemen's February 3 demonstrations. These sources seem to be working on the assumption that every popular protest in the Middle East must have the same goals and follow the same pattern. This idea ignores the obvious fact that Yemeni politics are quite different from Egyptian, Tunisian, or Algerian politics, and that no two countries have exactly the same constellation of circumstances. The fact is that Yemen's various opposition movements, whether within the political mainstream or on the fringes of society, have different goals from each other, not to mention from their counterparts in other countries; and the regime of 'Ali 'Abdullah Salih is itself very different from the Mubarak and Bin 'Ali regimes. So if the actions of last Thursday (some participants won't even refer to them as protests, though I would disagree) did not result in an immediate challenge to President Salih's political or physical survival, or in the sustained occupation of public spaces, that does not mean that they failed.

I'll save my elaboration on the many strands of opposition for another post. I'm also not going to get into all of the ways in which Yemen differs from the other Arab states currently facing protests. For now I just want to argue the point that the February 3 demonstrations were far more important than many commentators (and participants) have made them out to be. Here's why:

• They forced President Salih to realize that he is not immune from popular discontent. This may seem like a silly thing for a politician to have to realize, but he and his fellow despots are a special breed, adept at delusion. He is also incredibly talented at dodging disapproval, or redirecting it by force.
• They forced the Yemeni people—including the leaderships of the GPC and JMP—to realize that their president is not immune from popular discontent. Again, this should be self-evident, but it's not. Even in "truly" democratic countries, people routinely forget that they wield political power. While I doubt that anyone in Yemen is under the illusion that a few protests will solve their country's deep-seated political problems, they have now seen their president raise his head at their raised voices, and that simple fact means that the relationship between ruler and ruled has changed.
• They demonstrated popular ties between Yemen and the wider Arab world. President Salih has long been bolstered by support from Saudi Arabia and other friendly (you could also say opportunistic, manipulative, exploitative...) states; now his citizens have shown that they too have connections abroad, that they can learn from and participate in regional and global developments.
• They engaged a significant number of young people. Yemen is mostly made up of young people these days, but in recent years Yemen's protest culture has not been a youth culture. Protest has been something that secessionists, Islamists, insurgents, veterans, and journalists engage in, not something for students or the non-radical youth at large. The February 3 protests and subsequent actions have appealed—and will continue to appeal—to young people  who have not previously identified with any marginalized or activist group.

The points listed above all seem to favor of the opposition(s). But there is one big point in the regime's favor: the events of February 3 were completely mis-covered and misunderstood by the international media. Nearly every article in the press focused on the demonstrations in San‘a. If another city was mentioned, it was only briefly and only because some editors seem to insist that a story about Yemen include a bit of violence. But the coverage ignored the major differences between protests in different cities. For instance, San‘a's demos included very few women, while much larger demos in Ta‘iz hosted thousands of women. San‘a's protests were calm, and dispersed in time for lunch, while those in some cities lasted all day and were met with violence from the police and military. But so long as the press stays in San‘a, and San‘a stays calm, the regime retains a free hand to deal with unrest elsewhere with more force.

The list above is not exhaustive, and some people will surely argue with one or all of these points. But I think the importance of these protests will become increasingly visible in the coming weeks and months. I doubt we'll see a revolution in Yemen, and I think that's fine. Revolutions are painful things, and they're not necessary if substantive change can be achieved some other way. I think the people have found their voices, and I'm excited to see where this leads.

The JMP and other, non-mainstream groups have more demonstrations planned for February 10 and 11. The army is apparently pouring into Aden, and opposition/Southern Movement demos there will probably be met with force. We'll have to wait to see how protesters in the rest of the country will respond.

From San‘a: Developing the Grassroots Movement

Through a mutual friend, I recently got into contact with someone who is in Yemen right now and who has spoken with an off-shoot student activist group of the pro-democracy movement in San‘a. For obvious reasons, all involved want to remain anonymous, but this person kindly wrote up his/her reflections for us. The recollections below cannot be verified, as journalists say, but this person has provided a fascinating account of how young people are working to organize themselves. I thank the contributor for taking the time to share this on our blog. Another day of protests are planned for tomorrow, Feb. 10th. We will be sure to update you on what we find out. Very interesting -- check it out! Yemeni Prime Minister Ali Mohammed Mujawar and Foreign Minister Dr Abu Bakr al-Qirbi are correct, Yemen is neither Tunisia nor Egypt.  By this we mean its social composition and structures, although everyone will agree the 20-year old Republic of Yemen has been part and parcel of the 60-year old Arab nationalist project.  Yet what we saw in Tunisia and now witness first hand day by day throughout Egypt would be difficult to replicate in Yemen.  A number of socio-political obstacles stand in the way of similar popular uprisings, although economic conditions throughout the Republic are indeed much dismal than drivers behind the Jasmine Revolution and now al-Thawra as-Shab.

Activism of the type we’ve witnessed since 14 January remains problematic here due to institutional monopolies on mobilization and tribal resources at government’s disposal which act as deterrents, as we witnessed on 3 February.  Such are the challenges new youth activists face in organizing a truly non-institution based grassroots movement for tangible change.  Today we begin to learn of a youth movement that began with one young university student, AJ, who--after watching media reports of events in Egypt--took it upon himself to upload images on his Facebook wall and to tag his friends, something he admitted was otherwise never his practice.

We first learned about this new group of 100 Yemenis through asSharah (The Street) newspaper on 5 February, which reported on a group of young Yemenis who ‘spontaneously’ began to clean al-Dayri street following the JMP organized protests of 3 February. AJ filled me in on his first reaction to organize his friends on Wednesday before the "Day of Rage." He promised that Feb. 3rd would become a turbulent event after President Ali Abdullah Saleh warned the population during his address to Parliament the morning of 2 February of potential violence organized by protesters.  AJ mentioned the initial response came from 100 of his Facebook friends, some of whom met later on Wednesday at a local café (about 30 of them) for a preparatory meeting, which was followed the same evening by a meeting at a friend’s house. In this meeting they all agreed to contribute YR200 (less than one US dollar) in order to purchase trash bags and plastic gloves.  Another friend, not on Facebook, offered to print flyers for the group.  This is the account of what may become Yemen’s grassroots movement toward credible change in the months to come.

I asked AJ to describe the ambitions and expectations of this small group of young university students, he began by commenting on the t-shirts worn by the 20 group members who participated in the 3 February protests, the slogan was ‘Peaceful Change’ written under a Yemeni flag.  While the protesters were told to wear Pink during the protests, the Facebook Youth chose white to symbolize their priority, a peaceful expression of their ambitions.  AJ commented on his personal hopes for the group as he perceived the motivation of others in the group.  The priority is to contribute to a new “culture of change”, which they intend to manifest by advancing a civil movement that cares first and foremost about Yemen’s future.  He believes the president’s initiatives were part of a political game, but granted Saleh a great deal of credit for preventing chaos similar to the Tunisian or Egyptian events.  Yet, the initiatives are not enough, and AJ and the ten groups now joining the Facebook Youth look for expanding freedom of speech and progress in democratization of the political process.  Yemeni youth want improved education and health care, as well as a stronger fight against corruption.  His most striking comment came when he mentioned that most important for the movement is a “revolution of mind”, a change in the mentality of people who are blinded by the rhetoric of security over development toward a brighter future for the country. [bolded for emphasis]

AJ believes that change will come, whether at the hands of conservative forces or under the current regime, but may be not within the next six months.  He spoke to me about the limitations for the groups who are mainly found in urban centers.  Also, he spoke of the limited connectivity via social media, which only a very small percentage of young Yemenis engage with on a daily basis.  Technology is one instrument of many to utilize in order to reach a wider sector of Yemeni society, said AJ. In the coming months it will become vital for group members to reach beyond their local environment, but this may still depend on traditional methods that involve more personal contact than technology’s global reach.  Another major obstacle remains the uncertainty of people’s participation. He indicated many youth are still hesitant to take part in any activities due to fear of reaction by the government and the opposition, who may fear an end to their monopoly, or even portions of the population who do not understand their activities. AJ hopes that Thursday’s (10 Feb.) peaceful demonstrations will not only bring the movement to the surface but also allow the youth to network in order to expand awareness.

More to come after what appears to be a successful and peaceful demonstration Thursday.

From Sana’a…

Listen to our recent radio interview!

YPP directors Dana Moss and Will Picard were featured in an hour-long interview on KUCI FM on February 7. You can download the podcast from our website, or from KUCI.org.

Upcoming radio appearance

On Monday, February 7, YPP co-directors Dana Moss and Will Picard will be appearing on the University of California at Irvine's radio station (KUCI 88.9FM) for an hour-long discussion about current events in Yemen, and their implications for the United States and the world.

Guarded optimism

We've been following the demonstrations in San‘a on Twitter since they began this morning. At the moment, the JMP-led events—which were described as festivals of political expression, dancing, music, rather than rage—are breaking up voluntarily. It seems people are happy to have had their say, and they are leaving to avoid any confrontation with pro-Salih demonstrators. We will keep an eye on things, as anything could happen later this week. Also, I'm curious to see what demos have been like in other cities. Have Ta‘iz and Ibb seen the same joyous scene?

Ta'iz especially is home to strong anti-regime and anti-northern sentiments. New tweets are claiming much larger crowds there than in the capital, perhaps as many as 200,000. If that's the case, we might still expect a response from security forces.

For that matter, what about demos in the south? In 'Aden, Abyan, and Hadhramawt, state violence is almost commonplace. I'll still be surprised if those places avoid a crackdown today.

But I'm not trying to spoil the mood. In San'a, at least, the demonstrators have proved that civil, peaceful political action is possible, even in such heady times.

Countdown

Mass demonstrations in San‘a are scheduled to begin at 10:0 am tomorrow—just ten hours from now. According to Yemeni activists on Twitter, San‘a's Tahrir Square, which is one block from the Yemeni parliament, and surrounded by other government buildings, has been occupied by "armed thugs." Accordingly, protest organizers plan to gather their followers near the university, on the other side of town, instead. Yesterday's announcement from President ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Salih that he would neither seek reelection nor allow his son to run for the presidency seems to have been accepted by the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP)—the opposition coalition that includes Islah and the Yemeni Socialist Party—but it may not satisfy the street. The internet is a poor indicator for real-world events, especially in places like Yemen, where so few people have internet access on a good day, but judging from the current buzz, I expect tomorrow's demonstrations to draw significant crowds.

Some observers have minimized earlier protests, saying that they were little more than opposition party rallies. Tomorrow will see events in several cities organized by the JMP, but I think we'll also see expressions of real popular anger, which the parties may not be able to contain. The presence of "thugs" in advance of the protests is very worrisome, especially in light of today's tragic events in Cairo. It also means that Salih and his party haven't yet decided how to handle these events. Will they offer more concessions and let the citizens blow off steam, or will they crack down? I think the answer may depend on the scale of tomorrow's demonstrations. But then again, I said in my last post that I wouldn't be making any more predictions. The best any of us can do is work for change, and hope for peace.

UPDATE: 6:30AM YEMEN TIME

The sun is rising now in San‘a, and although I'm thousands of miles away, I am extremely uneasy about the coming day. Massive demonstrations are scheduled to begin in a few hours in San‘a and in other cities. These are meant to be peaceful protests, but recent developments make peace unlikely. As I write this I'm listening to Al Jazeera's live coverage of the battle in Cairo's Tahrir Square, which in 24 hours has changed, in Al Jazeera's words, from a festival to a war zone. According to Twitter, San‘a's Tahrir Square has been preemptively occupied by pro-government forces. Security forces have allegedly lined the streets in other parts of the city.

Governments do not send soldiers into the streets to maintain peace, but to enforce their will. I've promised twice now not to make predictions, but what's happening right now in Egypt feels like the prelude to a massacre. The government, which just days ago seemed to be on the verge of collapse, is still firmly in control, and its proxy forces now occupy positions surrounding the protesters. I really hope I'm reading the situation wrong, but the constant sound of gunfire gives some credence to my theory.

Earlier today, according the website of Yemen's ruling party, US President Barack Obama called President Salih to congratulate him on his "wise decision" to offer (totally meaningless) concessions to the opposition. The US government has continuously criticized Egypt's violent crackdown on protests, but has done nothing at all to really discourage the repression. Now with the blessing of his American patron, what reason will President Salih have to restrain his own response to anti-government demonstrations?

We at the YPP want nothing more than to see the Yemeni people express their grievances in public, and to have their voices heard. I and my co-directors would give anything to be in San‘a this morning. At the same time, I am terrified for the Yemeni people. The international community, despite its harsh language, is content to stand by while Mubarak's regime in Egypt attacks its own citizens; America has not hesitated in the recent past to fund and carry out attacks on Yemeni civilians, so we can be sure that if tomorrow's protests turn violent, no one in the outside world will come to the aid of the people.

We support and praise our brothers and sisters in Yemen who are exercising their rights of expression and protest, and we strongly condemn any violent response to popular protest. We hope that the United States government, from the lowest embassy officers to Secretary Clinton and President Obama, understand that they will bear responsibility for any violence against the Yemeni people, and we urge them to do everything in their power to prevent such violence.

Finally, we encourage our friends in Yemen to share their views and their experiences with us, and with the wider world, by sending emails, writing on our discussion boards, tweeting, and texting; and we urge the Yemeni and foreign media to cover today's events responsibly, in all their complexity. We will post updates as we are able.

P.S. Yemenis without internet access can post messages to Twitter by leaving voicemails at the following international phone numbers: +16504194196 or +390662207294 or +97316199855.

A Jordanian interlude

I said in my previous post that Yemen has been given short shrift by the Egypt-obsessed media (though not without reason). Recent protests in Jordan have also missed out on the limelight, though they may prove to be as successful (if not more) than the demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt. I know almost nothing about Jordanian politics; today's guest blogger knows a great deal. Dr. Catherine Warrick is Professor of Political Science at Villanova University in Pennsylvania. She is the author of the book Law in the Service of Legitimacy, a brilliant scholar, and a friend of the Yemen Peace Project. She generously shares her observations on Jordan here: As protests have spread across North Africa and through the Arab world, news reports have speculated about whether Jordan’s regime will “fall” just as Egypt’s is poised to do. The short answer is “no” – and that’s probably a good thing. As delighted as we all are by the ouster of the Mubarak regime in Egypt, it’s important to keep in mind that these countries are not all the same. Even the protesters, inspired by similar conditions and taking to the streets with similar demands for reform, don’t all want the same outcomes.

Egyptians have made it clear from the beginning that Mubarak himself must go; the regime is deeply unpopular all the way to the top, and with nearly every sector of society. But Jordanian protesters, although serious about demanding reform, are not calling for the crown to topple. No one is demanding that the king step down – they’re demanding that he do a better job of addressing specific economic and governance problems. So far, he’s listening. King Abdullah has replaced his prime minister, Samir al-Rifa’i, condemned corruption, and promised reforms. If he follows through on these reforms quickly, this will likely be enough to satisfy most protesters in Jordan.

This is not to say that King Abdullah is particularly beloved throughout society, or that he can magically erase all of Jordan’s problems right away; he’s an authoritarian leader, not a fairy godfather. But he seems willing to do the job required of him in the present circumstances, and if he makes real reforms in Jordanian politics, then in the interests of peace and development, we should probably wish him well. --CW, 1 Feb. 2011

Solidarity with peaceful demonstrations

Like the rest of the world, the YPP is watching developments in Yemen, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, and Bahrain intently. As pro-democracy activists in San‘a, Ta‘iz, and all over Yemen prepare for a national day of protests on Thursday, February 3, we stand with all of those who struggle peacefully for positive change. We will do our best to bring our visitors the latest news and in-depth analysis from Yemen during these exciting times.

Inspired rhetoric

The Jihadology blog has the latest issue of AQAP's English-language magazine, Inspire, which was released earlier this week. I haven't had a chance to read the whole thing yet, but two things caught my attention right away. First, in a brief commentary about AQAP's new campaign of violence against so-called Huthi supporters, the magazine's editor makes the following claim:

We would like to state that our war is with the Rafidha [Rejectionist] Shi'a sect which is alien to Yemen and was only imported recently from Iran, and not with the Zaydi Shi'a sect which is considered to be the closest sect of Shi'a to ahl as-sunnah.

This statement is remarkable for two reasons: first, it is identical to the false claims the government of Yemen has been making since the beginning of the Sa‘dah wars (that the rebels are Iranian agents). Second, it states that AQAP has no problem with Zaydiyah, which is an unexpected position for them to take. It seems illogical at best for AQAP to distinguish between Shi‘i sects. That Zaydiyah is close to Sunnism is a cliché, but the reality is that the Huthi rebellion grew out of a very Zaydi revival movement that, among other things, stressed the opposition between Zaydiyah and the kind of Sunnism espoused by AQAP.

As I see it, the best reason for AQAP to make the above claim is that it has had time to think, since the attacks of November, about the implications of declaring war on Zaydiyah, and has realized the danger in such an act. Maybe AQAP and the government can effectively drive a wedge between al-Huthi and the Zaydi population at large, but I doubt it, especially when we all know that al-Huthi's network of support has in the past transcended sectarian identities.

The second thing I noticed in this issue of Inspire is that the magazine provides translations of only one of the two statements AQAP released about its attacks on Huthi targets. We were able to publish translations of each statement within twenty-four hours, so why doesn't Inspire have both of them now? If I'm not mistaken, Brian O'Neill and Greg Johnsen have both hypothesized in the past that the editors of Inspire, and perhaps even the editors of AQAP's Arabic magazine, are too distant from the organization's operational branches to even know about operations in time to include them in publications. This seemed to be the case with the original Arabic statements on the attacks, which were much-delayed, and is probably the case again here.

Year-end update

As the Yemen Peace Project's first year comes to a close, I'd like to take a moment to thank everyone who has been a part of our success thus far. Trying to build a grass-roots organization is difficult work, and we are a long way yet from our goals; but we have made progress, thanks to the hard work of our founders and volunteers and the interest and support of all of our members and friends. We've earned some recognition for our efforts—most notably from the Yemen Times—and we've built meaningful connections between volunteers in the US, Yemen, and elsewhere. The coming year will see a continuation of this work, and the beginning of some exciting new projects. January will bring the much-anticipated re-launch of the Pens for Peace discussion boards, in a more accessible and engaging format, and the launch of YPP's long-awaited Arabic language website, which will make it easier for our friends in Yemen to get involved and stay up to date with our activities. We will also be obtaining non-profit status in 2011, which means we'll be able to receive tax-deductible donations to fund our work.

As we move forward and continue to work for peace in Yemen and the United States, we know we can count on your support. Thank you all.

Updates and some end-of-the-year Reflections!

Hey everyone! First I want to thank everyone - including folks from Yemen, Denmark, Syria, the UAE, all over the U.S. and even Australia! - for signing our first ever petition marking the 1-year anniversary of U.S. and Yemeni government-led raids and missile strikes that killed and injured Yemeni civilians on December 17, 2009. Part of our mission is to show the U.S. government that WE ARE PAYING ATTENTION, so we all greatly appreciate those who took the time to sign! Governments absolutely depend on the indifference, fear and apathy of their citizens to pursue war, and I feel that we are playing a small but important role in showing them that peace and dialogue is the best strategy. Second, Will and I were given the opportunity to introduce the board members of the Center for Citizen Peacebuilding (located at the University of California, Irvine) to the YPP yesterday! The members of the CCP are one of the most impressive groups of compassionate, generous and engaged pro-peace activists and scholars I have ever met, and their work spans from Georgia to the West Bank. They asked wonderful questions and were VERY encouraging of our work as well. IMPORTANTLY - some of the faculty at the CCP are engaged in the very kind of cross-national dialogue that we are promoting through our Pens for Peace program, so there may be opportunities for expansion and collaboration there!  I will keep you posted on how this plays out, and I am very excited about it. Happy holidays to us!  :)

Third, I just want to state for the record how proud and honored I am to be a part of this organization. I have not always been able to dedicate as much time as I have wanted to it, especially since I began a full-time PhD program this fall. But I am so lucky that my colleagues Will, Tiffany, Ahmed and Aliya are so brilliant, so dedicated, and so full of ideas! Huge props to our co-directors for the work they have been doing. We have accomplished a lot (and received media attention!) and are going to keep going. I really must give special kudos to Will -- I see him work on the YPP every single day, and often late into the night. He has been a visionary for this group, and relentless in his dedication to pro-peace activism.

Don't forget to sign the petition if you haven't already, and to check out the feature on the Yemeni artist below!  In the new year, if you want to get more involved, contact us - we would love to have you! Happy holidays to everyone.

December 17: A Day of Remembrance and Action

Please add your signature to our letter to US policy makers and ask them to change the nature of America's involvement in Yemen.

Interview with Yemeni artist Ibi Ibrahim

Hello all! Here to share with you an extremely interesting and informative interview I did with emerging Yemeni artist and photographer--and good friend of mine-- Ibi Ibrahim. Ibi was raised in Yemen, the Emirates, Libya, and Iraq, and currently lives in New York. His work draws its inspiration from his experience with growing up amidst strong social and moral codes in Islamic societies. His website with a sample of his work can be found here. Make sure to check it out--I particularly recommend his work "Love Knows Only Love". Ibi was a participating artist in the Sana'a Styles: Fashion and Art Exhibit that opened in Sana'a this week at the House of Culture. For our readers in Yemen: the exhibit runs until January 4th--please don't miss this opportunity to experience some of Yemen's rising artistic talent in person!

Firstly, can you tell me a little about yourself? When did you first become

interested in art? What challenges, difficulties, and/or successes have you faced as an artist?

I am Ibi Ibrahim, I am 23 years old and I am a Yemeni visual artist working in New

York.

I would say that my artistic career officially began when I moved to New York in

late 2009 – I started out as an actor and I was lucky enough to book different gigs in

theater and film. I had to work a lot in order to make enough money to survive and

also to buy the camera I wanted. Back at the time, I didn't have a camera.

Soon after I got my camera, I wouldn't stop shooting – not even for a day. Every day

was a new adventure for me and I discovered a new technique and in result a new

artistic perspective. I have had taken pictures while in Yemen and exhibited my

work via the German House in Sana'a in October 2009 but I wasn't satisfied with my

work. After I moved to New York and got a chance to see a large portions of art

work through visiting museums and galleries here. I remember going to the MOMA

every week to see the art. Even if I've seen it once, it wasn't enough – it was a love

affair that kept on growing. I'm actually a member now.

The challenge I faced was to find a specific topic to discuss through my medium. I

searched and practiced many but I reached my current topic after I realization that

it was the most powerful and passionate topic to discuss and involve the viewer to

participate in and take part of – only because it was part of who I am.

Where does the subject matter for your photography come from? Do you tend

to stick to one theme or subject, or does your art go through phases?

The work I do is circled around the culture and social codes of Muslim conservative

societies – the inspiration comes from my upbringing in a very conservative

household. At first, I was not certain if I could do such work - after all, most of my

work is about stories I witnessed growing up whether it was in my household or our

neighbors..etc. With support of mentors and friends, I was able to break that barrier

and open myself to the world. In my opinion, this is the true artist experience –

nothing to be held back, nothing to be afraid of.

I'm currently working in within this subject but that doesn't mean that eventually

I won't tackle another topic. However I'm developing my art in other sense by

creating video installations and making short films. I just finished my first semester

as a film student at the New School in New York and I've began writing my first

feature film. I've also submitted my short screen plays for festivals and institutions

For funding and I've received some welcoming responses from some institutes such

as the Doha Tribecca Film Institute. Its all work in progress at the moment.

sample of work exhibited in the ongoing "Sana'a Styles" show

Can you tell us a little bit about the state of the modern Yemeni art scene in

general? What are some of the difficulties faced by artists in Yemen, whether

cultural/political/financial, etc.? Are there any venues of support for artists

such as yourself?

I'm going to speak on behalf of myself here and focus my answer around the capital

city; Sana'a. I honestly can't think of one gallery in Yemen. At least in Sana'a – I

certainly don't remember ever running across a gallery in the capital. Now, what

Sana'a has in return are art centers that are either NGOs and being funded by the

government or actual culture centers that are part of the ministry of culture. Of

course, they are helpful in promoting art but to an extent. Those centers don't

provide artistic representation like galleries do and neither they try to sell the

artists work like galleries do. An artist needs to make a living after all so if his/her

art work is not selling, what is the purpose of showing it at culture centers?

In addition to that, I would also say the media in involved in the poor status of

modern Yemeni art scene in Yemen. I've noticed that most of the time media does a

coverage on culture events by highlighting who attended the show and who opened

the show while they ignore the most important aspect in the entire show and that

the artists participating. There is no media support for the artists and if the media

is not going to support the artist, then how the public is going to learn about the

artist? Here is the link of coverage in the National paper about the current exhibit

about fashion and identity in Yemen. You read the coverage; you

realize that there is nothing mentioned about the artists and what they showed. It

was all bullshit and it made me very upset. Why must we always cover the minister

or the ambassador and not cover the artist?

If there are no galleries and no media to support the artist – how can a world expect

Yemen to have a modern art scene? Some might be lucky to have supportive families

but for the most part, Yemeni parents never want their kids to be musicians, artists

or filmmakers. Unlike parents in the west, who encourage their kids to have interest

in the art from an early age and that's due the fact that art has been around for

awhile there and it has proven that it could be a successful career and generates

great income, fame and all things desired.

What do you see as a solution to these problems? Where should the support

come from—the government, the Yemeni people, other countries?

The best lesson is to learn from neighboring countries. There is a huge art revolution

happening in the Middle East now. Qatar is opening the first Arab museum of

modern art, Abu Dhabi will open the Louvre and the Guggenheim in less than two

years, and Yemen still has zero art galleries. Yemen has beautiful ancient art but

there is international interest in Middle Eastern modern art and we should take

this opportunity and encourage our artists to take serious steps towards their

work. Yemen receives millions of dollars of funding from international sources but

sadly all those funds are gone toward defense and security – just imagine if a small

portion would've been directed towards art reform.

One thing I want to make clear is that the art is available and so is the talent –

but we need support and mentorship. And today, instead of asking support and

mentorship from the US and Europe, we can ask from our neighboring countries

because they have certainly proven that they are up to the standards. Best example

drawn here is Qatar 2022.

Tell us a little about the exhibition this week that you are a participating artist in.

The show is about Fashion and Identity in Yemeni society. For my work, I had to

create a story with an element of fashion but in the same time remain within the

content of my subject. My series is called A Good Wife. It’s a series I’ve never shown

before - it’s about a wife who just worships her husband—she helps him with

everything and opens the doors of success to him, and in return he ends up leaving

her to find a better person (in his mind)—a woman who is fashionable, tall, slim—

that’s where I added the element of fashion to it. It’s the story about love, about

stabbing someone in the heart. It’s inspired by the average Yemeni wife.

My show in Kentucky ends in a week, and then this show is my last show of the

year, and it’s opening in Yemen. I’m happy to be ending the year with such great

success—and I’m excited for next year. I’m especially excited to hear what Yemeni

women think of the work. My first try at a show in Yemen was last October—I

thought it was beautiful, but it wasn’t something that made you stop and think. This

will definitely get people talking. I really wish I was there—inshallah [God willing]

I’ll be able to have a solo exhibit there someday, and I’ll go.

As for other artists participating, I've seen the work of two other artists, ,Bushra

Almutawakel, who's done a really fascinating series about the hijab

in the Muslim world - she's considered to be the first Yemeni female photographer.

The other artist is Bushra al-Fusail who's at 23 years old has shown some great

talent and I'm very fond of her work, also fond of the examples she is sitting for

other young Yemeni women.

What sort of reaction do these types of events spark from the general public inYemen? Is there any sort of national interest or support for the arts?

From my own experience, no. I had shown before in Yemen and there was no sort

of reaction that benefited me in anyway. Again, if you look at the media coverage of

the event, it only highlighted the ministers and the ambassadors who attended. The

media coverage should've been about the artists who participated. I've seen nearly

the same format of that article in about six publications via the web and such thing

is really disappointing.

Again back to the same point, we must learn from others on how to do the right

coverage or such event and ensure that we could provide all the help possible to our

talented emerging artists.

Any final words?

I wish one rich person in Yemen would decide, “I want to spend X amount of money

on an art academy, and see what happens.” Let's take a chance in our youth and

see what might happen. Look at the architecture in the old city – its divine and

couldn't be seen anywhere else. People always ask me here, "are there more of you

in Yemen?" and my response is " In Yemen, there is even better."

In my heart, I know there are artists that are more talented in Yemen. They just

need to learn how to hussle. Being an artist is a life-time job. Picasso didn't become

Picasso over night!

Firstly,an you tell me a little about yourself? When did you first become

interested in art? What challenges, difficulties, and/or successes have you faced as an artist?

I am Ibi Ibrahim, I am 23 years old and I am a Yemeni visual artist working in New

York.

I would say that my artistic career officially began when I moved to New York in

late 2009 – I started out as an actor and I was lucky enough to book different gigs in

theater and film. I had to work a lot in order to make enough money to survive and

also to buy the camera I wanted. Back at the time, I didn't have a camera.

Soon after I got my camera, I wouldn't stop shooting – not even for a day. Every day

was a new adventure for me and I discovered a new technique and in result a new

artistic perspective. I have had taken pictures while in Yemen and exhibited my

work via the German House in Sana'a in October 2009 but I wasn't satisfied with my

work. After I moved to New York and got a chance to see a large portions of art

work through visiting museums and galleries here. I remember going to the MOMA

every week to see the art. Even if I've seen it once, it wasn't enough – it was a love

affair that kept on growing. I'm actually a member now.

The challenge I faced was to find a specific topic to discuss through my medium. I

searched and practiced many but I reached my current topic after I realization that

it was the most powerful and passionate topic to discuss and involve the viewer to

participate in and take part of – only because it was part of who I am.

Where does the subject matter for your photography come from? Do you tend

to stick to one theme or subject, or does your art go through phases?

The work I do is circled around the culture and social codes of Muslim conservative

societies – the inspiration comes from my upbringing in a very conservative

household. At first, I was not certain if I could do such work - after all, most of my

work is about stories I witnessed growing up whether it was in my household or our

neighbors..etc. With support of mentors and friends, I was able to break that barrier

and open myself to the world. In my opinion, this is the true artist experience –

nothing to be held back, nothing to be afraid of.

I'm currently working in within this subject but that doesn't mean that eventually

I won't tackle another topic. However I'm developing my art in other sense by

creating video installations and making short films. I just finished my first semester

as a film student at the New School in New York and I've began writing my first

feature film. I've also submitted my short screen plays for festivals and institutions

For funding and I've received some welcoming responses from some institutes such

as the Doha Tribecca Film Institute. Its all work in progress at the moment.

(post screenshots here)

Can you tell us a little bit about the state of the modern Yemeni art scene in

general? What are some of the difficulties faced by artists in Yemen, whether

cultural/political/financial, etc.? Are there any venues of support for artists

such as yourself?

I'm going to speak on behalf of myself here and focus my answer around the capital

city; Sana'a. I honestly can't think of one gallery in Yemen. At least in Sana'a – I

certainly don't remember ever running across a gallery in the capital. Now, what

Sana'a has in return are art centers that are either NGOs and being funded by the

government or actual culture centers that are part of the ministry of culture. Of

course, they are helpful in promoting art but to an extent. Those centers don't

provide artistic representation like galleries do and neither they try to sell the

artists work like galleries do. An artist needs to make a living after all so if his/her

art work is not selling, what is the purpose of showing it at culture centers?

In addition to that, I would also say the media in involved in the poor status of

modern Yemeni art scene in Yemen. I've noticed that most of the time media does a

coverage on culture events by highlighting who attended the show and who opened

the show while they ignore the most important aspect in the entire show and that

the artists participating. There is no media support for the artists and if the media

is not going to support the artist, then how the public is going to learn about the

artist? I'm adding this link of coverage in the National paper about a recent exhibit

I participated in about fashion and identity in Yemen. You read the coverage; you

realize that there is nothing mentioned about the artists and what they showed. It

was all bullshit and it made me very upset. Why must we always cover the minister

or the ambassador and not cover the artist?

http://www.althawranew.net/index.php?action=showNews&id=861

If there are no galleries and no media to support the artist – how can a world expect

Yemen to have a modern art scene? Some might be lucky to have supportive families

but for the most part, Yemeni parents never want their kids to be musicians, artists

or filmmakers. Unlike parents in the west, who encourage their kids to have interest

in the art from an early age and that's due the fact that art has been around for

awhile there and it has proven that it could be a successful career and generates

great income, fame and all things desired.

What do you see as a solution to these problems? Where should the support

come from—the government, the Yemeni people, other countries?

The best lesson is to learn from neighboring countries. There is a huge art revolution

happening in the Middle East now. Qatar is opening the first Arab museum of

modern art, Abu Dhabi will open the Louvre and the Guggenheim in less than two

years, and Yemen still has zero art galleries. Yemen has beautiful ancient art but

there is international interest in Middle Eastern modern art and we should take

this opportunity and encourage our artists to take serious steps towards their

work. Yemen receives millions of dollars of funding from international sources but

sadly all those funds are gone toward defense and security – just imagine if a small

portion would've been directed towards art reform.

One thing I want to make clear is that the art is available and so is the talent –

but we need support and mentorship. And today, instead of asking support and

mentorship from the US and Europe, we can ask from our neighboring countries

because they have certainly proven that they are up to the standards. Best example

drawn here is Qatar 2022

Tell us a little about the exhibition this week that you are a participating artist

in.

The show is about Fashion and Identity in Yemeni society. For my work, I had to

create a story with an element of fashion but in the same time remain within the

content of my subject. My series is called A Good Wife. It’s a series I’ve never shown

before - it’s about a wife who just worships her husband—she helps him with

everything and opens the doors of success to him, and in return he ends up leaving

her to find a better person (in his mind)—a woman who is fashionable, tall, slim—

that’s where I added the element of fashion to it. It’s the story about love, about

stabbing someone in the heart. It’s inspired by the average Yemeni wife.

My show in Kentucky ends in a week, and then this show is my last show of the

year, and it’s opening in Yemen. I’m happy to be ending the year with such great

success—and I’m excited for next year. I’m especially excited to hear what Yemeni

women think of the work. My first try at a show in Yemen was last October—I

thought it was beautiful, but it wasn’t something that made you stop and think. This

will definitely get people talking. I really wish I was there—inshallah [God willing]

I’ll be able to have a solo exhibit there someday, and I’ll go.

As for other artists participating, I've seen the work of two other artists, ,Bushra

Almutawakel, who's done a really fascinating series about the Hijab

in the Muslim world - She's considered to be the first Yemeni female photographer.

The other artist is Bushra al-Fusail who's at 23 years old has shown some great

talent and I'm very fond of her work, also fond of the examples she is sitting for

other young Yemeni women.

What sort of reaction do these types of events spark from the general public in

Yemen? Is there any sort of national interest or support for the arts?

From my own experience, no. I had shown before in Yemen and there was no sort

of reaction that benefited me in anyway. Again, if you look at the media coverage of

the event, it only highlighted the ministers and the ambassadors who attended. The

media coverage should've been about the artists who participated. I've seen nearly

the same format of that article in about six publications via the web and such thing

is really disappointing.

Again back to the same point, we must learn from others on how to do the right

coverage or such event and ensure that we could provide all the help possible to our

talented emerging artists.

Any final words?

I wish one rich person in Yemen would decide, “I want to spend X amount of money

on an art academy, and see what happens.” Let's take a chance in our youth and

see what might happen. Look at the architecture in the old city – its divine and

couldn't be seen anywhere else. People always ask me here, "are there more of you

in Yemen?" and my response is " In Yemen, there is even better."

In my heart, I know there are artists that are more talented in Yemen. They just

need to learn how to hussle. Being an artist is a life-time job. Picasso didn't become

Picasso over night!

YPP featured in Yemen Times

The Yemen Times, Yemen's biggest English-language newspaper, has this article by Iona Craig about the Yemen Peace Project: http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35212

Ba‘d al-yawm...

...Crowds were celebrating in the streets, as indeed they were in all Yemen's major towns. The concrete-filled barrels at check-points on the border between North and South had been rolled away and crowds chanted ba‘d al-yawm ma ‘ad baramil, after today, no more barrels!

Those lines come from the anthropologist/historian Paul Dresch's description of Yemen's Unification Day, May 22, 1990. I thought of this description one night back in July when, driving past the President's Mosque in San‘a, it occurred to me that there are far more "barrels" in Yemen today than there were before unification.

A single militarized border between two states has been replaced by a heavily militarized single state, militarized not against outside enemies but against its own citizens. Today in Yemen, no one can drive from one city to another without stopping at multiple checkpoints. Inside the cities, police and Federal Security forces are omnipresent.

Today the news and the Tweet-o-sphere were full of reports of the tremendous success of the Gulf Cup Tournament in Aden. I should know, as I contributed to Yemen's PR victory by noting these stories on the YPP's own Twitter feed and Facebook page (and again here, just now). Of course, Yemen deserves a bit of good news, and a bit of positive coverage in the world media. As I noted on Facebook, this was the first time I've ever heard a non-Yemeni Arab say anything positive about Yemen. But the narrative of these cheerful stories is a bit sad, and very revealing. Most of the articles revolve around two points:

• Yemen hosted an international event and nothing got blown up;
• security was overwhelming, but everyone had a great time.

The underlying assumptions are that there would have been terrorist attacks at the tournament had the government not provided adequate security, and that, to put it simply, the South is crazy and unsafe without thousands of soldiers all over it. The conclusion that a rational reader would draw, then, is that an overwhelming and "proactive" domestic security posture (or, in South Yemeni dialect, an occupation) is totally justified and a good thing for everyone involved. Just look how much fun those Saudi tourists are having! And hey, what was the threat that all of those soldiers were protecting us from, anyway? Al-Qa‘idah? Secessionists? Most foreign reporters don't know, and didn't bother to find out.

A few happy stories about football might do a lot to legitimize the central government's repressive policies towards the South. What President Saleh wants, after all, is to associate the Southern Movement with AQAP in the minds of his allies. By depicting an amorphous danger in the south and crediting the government with defending people against it, the press has helped him accomplish this goal. His security measures—which have repeatedly failed to defeat actual threats—have been congratulated and welcomed by the international community, while southerners who complain of northern aggression have been discredited.

After today, more and more barrels.